Beyond The Kingdoms

Article 17: Progressive Steps Already Demonstrated

This entry is part 17 of 18 in the series Beyond The Kingdoms

The functional requirements and incentive strategies discussed earlier are not theoretical. African countries and districts have already moved the relevant metrics through a set of progressive, measurable steps. These steps can be piloted, checked against numbers, and scaled or adjusted. They raise the return to effort inside the country rather than relying on narrative reclamation. They are ordered here by typical feasibility and complementarity, not by ideological priority.

The first is clarifying and securing use rights over land and other productive assets through hybrids rather than wholesale replacement of customary systems. Where overlapping or undocumented claims block investment, low-cost registries or certification methods that recognise existing customary allocations reduce disputes and allow collateral or longer-term improvements. Botswana’s longer-term property protections and land-registration pilots in Ghana and Rwanda produced measurable increases in investment and reductions in conflict once claims became clearer. Full individual titling is unnecessary everywhere. The binding requirement is predictability for the person or group that actually uses the asset. Political side-payments or grandfathering rules have kept influential local holders from blocking the change in successful cases. The metric is dispute rates and subsequent investment, not the formal name of the registry.

The second is raising learning outcomes in basic education, not merely enrolment. Years in school have expanded; skills acquired have not kept pace in many systems. Targeted reforms—structured pedagogy, teacher coaching focused on early-grade reading and mathematics, regular low-stakes assessment, and reduced teacher absenteeism—have produced large gains in Kenya and in parts of Ghana and Tanzania. These interventions are cheaper and faster than building additional classrooms alone. Higher demonstrable skills raise labour productivity and the capacity to adopt and maintain technology. The metric is what children can actually read and calculate, checked frequently, not the number of buildings opened.

The third is expanding reliable electricity and lowering its cost by combining grid and decentralised solutions. Firms and households cannot run modern equipment or extend working hours without power that stays on. Kenya’s geothermal expansion, hydro investments in Ethiopia and Ghana, and widespread solar mini-grids with pay-as-you-go systems have raised access. The metric that matters is uptime and price per kilowatt-hour for productive users, not connection statistics. Reliable power multiplies the return to every other investment. Contract and regulatory designs that contain losses and theft have prevented extended supply from simply becoming a larger subsidy.


The fourth is cutting the discretionary cost of formal enterprise. Many countries score poorly on the time and side payments required to register a business, obtain a construction permit, clear goods, or enforce a simple contract. Streamlining—one-stop registration, digitised customs, published fee schedules, statutory time limits—has raised formal firm entry in Rwanda, Mauritius, and parts of Nigeria and Kenya. The change does not require any particular Western corporate code. It requires reducing official discretion so that local traders and manufacturers face predictable rules. The metrics are days to completion and frequency of informal payments.

The fifth is tying a portion of public resources to verifiable local delivery and allowing monitoring. When communities can see whether budgeted funds for clinics, boreholes, or roads actually arrive and function, leakage falls and voluntary compliance rises. Uganda’s and Tanzania’s public-expenditure tracking experiments, and various performance-based grants to districts, improved outcomes where the information reached users. This works with, rather than against, existing local accountability structures. The metric is arrival and functionality of the funded item, checked on a short cycle.

The sixth is lowering internal and external trade costs through targeted infrastructure and logistics reform. Poor roads, congested ports, and non-tariff barriers fragment markets. Corridor investments such as the Northern and Central Corridors, together with single-window customs and axle-load enforcement, have reduced transit times in East Africa. Larger effective markets raise specialisation and the return to commercial farming and light manufacturing. The metrics are dwell times, transit days, and effective prices faced by producers.

The seventh is managing mineral and other rents with simple, transparent rules. Where resources dominate exports, publishing contracts, routing revenues through audited accounts, and limiting off-budget spending reduce the most corrosive forms of elite capture. Botswana’s long-term handling of diamond revenues remains the clearest African illustration that resource wealth need not preclude rising incomes and public goods. The metrics are the share of revenue that enters audited accounts and the stability of public investment.

These steps are progressive because each can be started at district or sector scale, measured against the same indicators used by metric bodies (connection quality, test scores, days to register, port dwell time, leakages found), and defended or adjusted according to results and political friction. Countries and districts that have sustained several of them simultaneously have recorded faster growth in output per person and faster gains in health and skills. Those that have not continue to show the familiar gaps.

The historical record establishes that complex organisation is possible. The contemporary record shows which concrete rule and investment changes allow that capacity to produce higher modern metrics. The steps do not require the abandonment of kinship or customary forms. They require that those forms not block predictability, skills, energy, or limits on extraction—and that organised groups and usable numbers make the political risk of each step visible and manageable.

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